Tuesday, October 19, 2010

روزگار غریبی است نازنین

روزگار غریبی است نازنین
شاملو
میگه هفته دیگه که یارانه ها رو بردارند هیچ کس نمی دونه که چی میشه. میگه قبض برق مسکونی سی هزار تومانی میشه صد و پنجاه هزار تومان. بنرین میشه چند برابر. میگه کمکهای مالی مستقیمی که احمدی نژاد قولش رو داده سالیانه نصف درامد خالص نفته! میگه
احمدی نژاد همون ماههای اول میمونه زیرش.
میگه هنوز یارانه ها رو برنداشتند اونها دارند چماق به دستهاشون رو می فرستند تو خیابون که این دفعه ادمهای گرسنه نریزند تو
خیابون. میگه بیمارستان که رفته بودم دکترها دو ملیون از بیمه می گرفتند دو ملیون هم زیر میزی رشوه می گرفتند از مریض که بهش نگن وقت نداریم برو جای دیگه
میگه من نمی دونم. از یک طرف جوونها و دانشجوهایی که جونشون رو می گذارن کف دستشون میرن زندان و شکنجه میشن به امید این که وضع مردم یک کم بهتر بشه از یک طرف هم اینها ....

Thursday, July 1, 2010

یادی از بهرام صادقی


اگر تو باز به چشمان من نگاه کنی
اگر درنگ کنی یک دم دگر مانی
وگرکه در نگشایی بر این شتاب سمج
من آن ترانه خود را که روح آواز است
که جان شعر و اثیر غم است می خوانم
فقط برای تو می خوانمش
فقط یک بار
If you look into my eyes again
If you pause and stay for another moment
And if you do not open the door to this persistant rush
I will sing my song that is the spirit of melody
that is the life of poetry and aether of sorrow
Only will sing it for you
Only will sing it once

Thursday, June 17, 2010

Tanned Skin Ticket: $25


It's reverse psychology though. I don't remember a day going out without nailpolish when I was in Iran. Even though they would make you go buy polish remover, come back and then go to your class.

You would put your hands in your pockets or wear gloves in winter, they would tell by your face that you have nailpolish!

-- "You! You have nailpolish? ... You don't pray then?"

And we all used to say, "oh, I have a religious excuse this week!" and hope she wasn't there last week! And that was just a part of our daily life.

We called them: "Fatemeh Komando -- Fatemeh, the Commander"

Once sitting in the Cafe Teria, we were discussing what they would tell their children as their day job is? We are Fati, the Commander? We catch those with nailpolish?


Now thinking again, trying to remember their faces, they were mostly young, like us. Religious and non-educated and came from poor families who most importantly needed the wage they were earning to pay for their daily basic supplies. Some thought they're on God's mission too. But again they could not fit or find any other job. Some looked at us with envy, some young giggling students holding our books. Some thought we have just been derailed from the path of God. Otherwise we wouldn't have nailpolish. On the other hand, we did not care about them. As if they were not us. We did not like their reasoning and attitude. We smiled at them, tried to be nice and somehow surrender. Challenging them would only make the situation worse. But they knew once we go to the other side of the curtain, we just tease them.

Saturday, June 12, 2010

Iran : First Anniversary of the Movement of A Generation

Approaching the one-year anniversary of the Green Movement, there is a high level of unexpectancy factor regarding the future which could only be evaluated by going towards the past. By now it is almost self-evident what engined this social transitional force.

The Green Movement is a child of a social transformation in Iran which has started long before the rigged election on June 12th, 2009 and mostly initiated and supported by the young generation to reorient the country towards a modernization process. A metamorphosis from traditions to modernism with all its own unavoidable and irreversible tensions and forces after the country was isolated from the rest of the world for almost thirty years and thus the energy accumulated within. The social transition that naturally does happen through generations now has accelerated and become determined to make up for the past decades of a blocked discourse in an international context, started with a civil society big bang after the election. A kind of movement that the bloody street protests were only one side of its reflection.

When Khatami, known as the architect of the Iranian Reform became the President thirteen years ago, this generation felt a small social and political open space. Reformist newspapers opened, new critical movies were made, even foreign up-to-date movies were shown in some theaters in Tehran, more books translated to Farsi and women could then sit down in street coffeeshops wearing sandals in summer with their naked ankle and occasionally smoke, less coed house parties were attacked by the moral police and the list goes on. Iran started to look like what-media-does-not-show.


Khatami also founded an organization called “The Center for Dialogue of Civilizations” which held seminars, classes, workshops, invited speakers and scholars from all across the world creating openings to communicate with the outside in quite an official way. Many young Iranians again thrived and participated in those events.

Additionally, Khatami encouraged civil society NGOs aiming to raise awareness with regards to different social and legal issues, such as women’s rights, minor execution, stoning, capital punishment, etc..

As a result, the new generation's expectations started to set higher during Khatami's era who although not fulfilled many of its promises, had a big role in shaping people’s standards and ideals about social and political freedom.

That open space aroused a new wave of energetic journalists and civil society activists who got trained and employed in the newly emerged reformist newspapers.
Although this generation gradually started to get forced to leave the country after Khatami left the office and due to the high level of repression institutionalized right after Ahmadinejad became the President, yet they became messengers of what actually is going on inside Iran and started to expose Ahmadinejad’s new policies in critical online newspapers and weblogs.

Moreover, communism of thoughts and emotions in the virtual world did not only help the uprising after the 2009 election with letting the news out as some might think, but caused it. Way before, when using internet started to become popular among mostly young people some fifteen years back. Through emails, social networking websites and online instant messaging communication was only one click away between the youth inside and outside Iran. Photos, videos and blogs posted online exchanged in real time. Whereas, prior to the internet emergence, Iranians would have to wait until a passenger comes back home for a visit to explain how living outside Iran would feel like.

This also coincided with the same era when many young Iranians left their country mostly educated and deprived of a hope for a prosperous furture both financially and socially, seeking better academic and professional opportunities abroad again using internet to reduce the cost and hassle of applying to mainly top universities abroad. What later said to be “The Brain Drain”. This recent group of immigrants – less than ten years - was somewhat distinct from other Iranian groups in the Diaspora who mostly got out of Iran during and right after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, because of the political reasons or due to war with Iraq in 1981. They kept in touch with the circle of friends and classmates inside the country utilizing all kinds of online tools. And also traveled more frequently back home to visit.


Meanwhile the environment in Iran started to feel more like pre-Reform era as being even more socially unfree while suffering from financial unceratainties in a wealthy oil-driven country dominated by a corrupted and mismanaged economy specially-worsened during Ahmadinejad’s presidency. Again couples could be arrested during their dates in public, women for their insufficient covering or wearing high boots in winter and for a person holding a PhD degree the monthly salary sometimes is not sufficient to cover even a small apartment rent.

Why?



This was the “self-awakening” phase for the generation who reached the “enough is enough” point after the election got stolen and went to the streets to protest even when were beaten and shot.

“We felt like we had nothing to lose, that is why we were so fearless in the streets.” A 33-year-old woman in Tehran says with a Master’s degree in engineering.

A generation who had already seen their parents suffering but staying silent because of the level of repression. Parents, who lost prospect of life for themselves, instead invested and directed most of their time and energy towards their youth so that one day hopefully their children do not live the way they did.

“Awareness and education could throw them a life jacket in an all-time stormed country with no definite future”. That is what they thought to themselves.

Therefore; books and education became a must and a focal point even during the war’s worst days and nights and all other ups and downs of the political, social and economical situation of the country.

At the same time, there were academics and artists who devotedly taught at schools and universities to fight the scientific and social isolation of the country which gave this generation wings with a sense of ambition and confidence, despite of all the governmental deficiencies, obstacles and censorships.


Until during the eventful nights of the televised heated Presidential debates when opponents talked openly about each other’s party financial corruption and cheatings, the most unprecedented incident in the Islamic Republic political space ever.

A blogger wrote in his blog one morning after that “All the candidates won. The ones who really lost are the people of Iran.” These were not the facts that people did not mostly know about, but the very fact that they were told so shamelessly and openly fierced people. Just like a woman seeing her husband cheat on National TV.

The Iranian government created some small openings right before the election for encouraging people to participate on the Election Day, being very confident that those holes will soon be blocked. But the cat was already out of the bag.

People in Iran and living all across the world mobilized all their efforts to vote. It was like Nike’s ad: “Just Do It.”. Just vote to get rid of Ahmadinejad and at least go back to Khatami days, which were not remotely close to being golden, but good enough for people to feel a change and a sense of improvement in their life styles. The vote was for another reformist candidate backed by Khatami after he changed his mind as to re-nominate himself for presidency.

Mousavi was the war-time Prime Minister who had stayed away from politics for the last twenty years, returned to architecture and teaching and became President of the Iranian Academy of Arts. To many he was a choice better than Ahmadinejad for a country that could not get any worse both domestically and also as far as its international image.


Still there is another area of the spectrum not yet under the pro-Green umbrella and neither ready to pick up or adapt to the cultural and social transitions. This is an angle obviously seen after each propaganda-oriented event the Islamic Regime organzies. There is still a mass taking part for many diverse reasons ranging from social and financial bonuses to simply not being able to decipher the Green Movement objectives and suspecting they come from foreign governments and superpowers.

In order to overcome this, the movement has to continue to fundamentally invest into some enlightenment capacity building within all the walks of the society and secure a confirmation that the fundamental party would be still able to maintain its ideological and social life style within its own domain even after change occurs only without having an authoritarian political power.

The fact of the matter is that besides all the dictatorship exercised by the Iranian government to hold its power for the last thirty years, the gravity center of the public collective consciousness had been kept close to the point where the government had been standing. This equilibrium is what had been keeping the government afloat for all these years without facing an internal serious challenge. Now, due to all the transitions, this gravity center is starting to move away from its original point and building a social momentum which is a threat to the current regime.

Future is now held in how much of a distance this gradually moving gravity center moves away to challenge the equilibrium. The farther it gets, the more momentum will be built towards democratization of the system. The more the Green Movement works on its social, cultural and political vectors towards its departure from the concepts already accepted within the regime, the chances are fatter of being able to get a hold of the country’s governance and get rid of its authoritarian power one day as well.

And that covers a very vast area of social activism including advocating women’s, ethnic and minority rights and interests. Increasing transparency and tolerance as to give proportionate social space to each group although being fundamentally different is another determinig factor.

During the year passed, this social activism although faced with murder, imprisonment and torture has spread from only certain activist and social campaigners to ordinary people from all walks of life both domestically and globally in an epidemic way. The expression of these demands is what is keeping this movement way above a political reform and takes it to a level where it becomes a matter of common humanity and everybody feels a sense of ownership towards, even non-Iranians.


Last December, 22 Bahman protests in Iran evoked different reactions throughout the diverse spectrum of the Green Movement. Among them, despair, disappointment and wondering what happened to the movement they thought is only on the brink of its victory, some even fearful that it could have died for ever specially among supporters outside the country anticipating to see scenes perceivable through computer monitor screens.




What happened is that the Green Movement supporters did go out to the streets but were faced by a huge and extensive presence of the merciless security guards. Their different paths to the final destination were blocked and every little reaction could end up in being at least arrested.


Since then the movement has become more cautious as far as the type of expense it has to pay for achieving its goals. For any movement, the number of casualties is a determining factor on the amount of total expense paid for its victory and the one which can never be reimbursed. Minimizing this factor raises the efficiency factor of the movement throughout time specially that the movement just had at least seven people killed last December on the bloody Day of Ashura. The one circumstance could be the society getting used to witnessing certain level of violence and bloodshed which is not healthy over a long term and that by its own nature could create a seriously fundamental hurdle towards a democratic and free society.


The fact is that street protests are only one way out of many to fight for civil rights and protest. Whereas, one hundred years ago the only possible way that people could communicate/protest in masses was by going to the street. In many ways and in today’s world the virtual streets and squares of the internet has become a much opener and more public space for people to express their ideas and ask for their demands and also distribute them among the outside world. Although in Iran even that will have very serious circumstances and even faced with designed technical obstacles. As inside-Iranians Google email accounts stopped to function right before the Islamic Revolution anniversary day of 22 Bahman. But still would cause less bloodshed.


These are the facets that are hard for the media to cover and get a grasp of as it happens at the underlying layers of the society. Still going effective and strong and yet hard to measure.

Street protests, blood and violence are definitely orgasmic moments for the media and for the people getting addicted to them after a while watching them raising expectations up to seeing a reality thriller show but the reality is something else.


The winning card here is that awareness could be paused, but not reversed. And as long as this young generation continues its soulsearching and pushing the boundaries to find a newly defined place in the traditional and religious Iranian society while compliant with international civil and human rights standards this movement shall go on.

Tuesday, May 4, 2010

درد غربت

هرکسی که از ایران می آید هر بار که گوشی تلفن را بر می دارم می پرسم از ایران چه خبر؟
و جواب این که همه چیز آرام شده است. مردم دارند زندگیشان را می کنند. مسافرها از سفرهای شمال می گویند و مهمانی ها و دخترانی که در رستورانها نشسته اند و رژ لبهای قرمز بر لب دارند.
و من از راه دور دلم هری می ریزد پایین برای غربت شیوا نظرآهاری و همه آنهایی که توی زندانند و خانواده هایشان که درد می کشند.

Sunday, May 2, 2010

Translating Rira

سلام
حال همه ما خوب است. ملالی نیست جز گم شدن گاه به گاه خیالی دور که مردم به آن شادمانی بی سبب می گویند.
با این همه عمری اگر باقی بود
طوری از کنار زندگی می گذرم
که نه زانوی آهوی بی جفت بلرزد
و نه این دل ناماندگار بی درمان

تا یادم نرفته است بنویسم
حوالی خوابهای ما
سال پر بارانی بود
میدانم همیشه حیاط آنجا
پر از هوای تازه بازنیامدن است
اما تو لااقل
حتی هر وهله
گاهی
هر از گاهی
ببین انعکاس تبسم رویا
شبیه شمایل شقایق نیست
راستی خبرت بدهم
خواب دیده ام خانه ای خریده ام
بی پرده
یی پنجره
بی در
بی دیوار
هی بخند! ...
بی پرده بگویمت
چیزی نمانده است
من چهل ساله خواهم شد
فردا را به فال نیک خواهم گرفت
دارد همین لحظه یک فوج کبوتر سفید
از فراز کوچه ما می گذرد
باد بوی نامهای کسان من می دهد
یادت می آید
رفته بودی خبر از آرامش آسمان بیاوری؟
نریرا جان!
نامه ام باید کوتاه باشد
ساده باشد
بی حرفی از ابهام و آینه

از نو برایت می نویسم:
؛حال همه ما خوب است.؛
اما تو باور نکن!

Hi,
We are all doing fine.

There is no sadness
Except for time-to-time losing
a distant dream
That people call
no reason happiness

Afterall, if there was still time
In a way I would be passing by life
That neither do knees of the mateless deer tremble
Nor does this neverlasting cureless heart

Before I forget, I should write,
Around our dreams, there was a year
Full of rain
I know that the courtyard there,
Is always full of fresh never-returning air

But you at least
Even every moment,
Sometime
Once in a while
Look,
The reflection of the dream’s smile
isn’t resembling the tulip’s shape?

By the way, let me tell you the news
I have dreamt of buying a house
With no curtain
No window
No door
No wall
You smile again! …

Let me be frank with you
Hasn’t much left
I will be forty years old
I will take tomorrow as a good omen
Right at this moment,
A flock of white birds is passing over our alley
Wind smells like the names of my people

Do you remember,
you had gone to bring news from the peace of the sky?

No, Rira jaan, ...

My letter should be short,
And simple
With no words of mist and mirror


Again, I write to you:
“We are all doing fine.”

But, you,
Don’t believe! …
From the book, "Rira" by Muhammad Saleh Husseini

Thursday, April 29, 2010

بزرگترین هراس

این روزها باید بزرگترین هراس جنبش سبز این باشد که بعد از کشته شدن عده ای آدم بیگناه و تباهی حال و آینده آنهایی که به زندان رفتند و شکنجه شدند و خاکستر و بر باد شدن نسلی که امروز نسل سوخته می نامیمش رژیم و قوانین عوض شود ولی فرهنگ جامعه نه! و ارثیه معلول یک رژیم مریض برای همیشه بماند ور دل بازماندگان!

Wednesday, April 28, 2010

دیگر کار با آشغال زیر فرش جارو زدن درست نمی شود

حرف حساب شادی این بود که هر کسی اول از خودش شروع کنه. به هر حال برای جنسیت زدگی هم منطقه خاکستری وسیعی وجود داره. کمتر کسی می تونه ادعا کنه که این نگاه به طور قطعی و ٪۱۰۰ از ذهنش دور شده. خصوصا نسلی که برخاسته از یک جامعه سنتی-مذهبی با سری استانداردهای دوگانه است. یعنی این که خودتون رو سفید حساب نکنید و صدیقی را سیاه. من خودم هر روز در نوع نگاه خودم و دیگران به این قضیه نکته تازه ای را کشف می کنم. چه در جامعه ایرانی و چه غیر ایرانی. در همین امریکا که چند دهه است قوانین و مناسبات حقوقی و اجتماعی نهادینه شده اند هنوز جای کار بسیار است. حالا با سری استانداردهای کمی بالاتر.

هیچ وقت یادم نمیره روزی را که همکار فیلیپینی ام صاف رفت تو اتاق رییسم و با صدای بلند جوری که من هم شنیدم گفت: تو از من می خواهی که به حرف اون زنه -- دت لیدی-- گوش بدم؟ حالا من خیر سرم مدیر پروژه بودم. اون هم از حرص دلش هر روز میامد سر می کشید توی دفتر من و سر تاپای هیکل من را برانداز می کرد و می گفت: صبح به خیر هالی! امروز چقدر خوشگل شدی! و تمام روز من را خراب می کرد. یک روز هم رییسم بهم گفت که سابقه اون آقا را می داند و این که بسیار سکسیست است و الان از این موضوع خیلی ناراحت است که زیر دست یک زن است و این که این موضوع از پس زمینه فرهنگی او ناشی می شود و این که بسیاری از مردان در فیلیپین سنتی و شاوینیستی فکر می کنند. عوضش جزییات ساختمانی را خیلی خوب کار می کند و بهتر است تا اتمام پروژه من از بالا به موضوع نگاه کنم. نه شخصی.
یک روز هم مجبور شدم که به کارفرمای عرب با پروژه های متعدد که چند بار من را عزیزم خطاب کرده بود مستقیم بگویم که عزیزم --سوییتی-- دیگر در آن شرکت کار نمی کند و اسم من هالی است!
و داستان های زیاد مشابه آن! یک شنبه ظهر هفته پیش هم که خوشحال بعد از یک کلاس یوگای آرامش بخش با مربی یوگایم که او هم اتفاقا ایرانی است زیر آفتاب دلچسب بهاری نشسته بودیم و قهوه لاته می خوردیم و نقشه های منزل آینده او را زیر و رو می کردیم که چطور هال خانوادگی را به ورودی نزدیکتر کنیم در حالی که آشپزخانه همچنان به گاراژ دسترسی مستقیم داشته باشه یک نفر یکدفعه پرید وسط صحبت ما و گفت که او هم ایرانی است و بهتر است که ما حواسمان باشد و یکدفعه شروع نکنیم به حرفهای سکسی زدن چون که او همان بغل نشسته و می شنود! و خودش قاه قاه خندید. افسانه هاج و واج به من نگاه کرد و من به او گفتم: نه خیر آقا! این جا بحث فنی است. بفرمایین سر جاتون لطفا! او هم رفت سر جایش نشست و تا آخری که ما بلند شدیم بر و بر به ما زل زد!

دیشب آخر شب هم بعد از یک روز فرسوده کننده و کل کل با آدمهایی که می خواستند زنها از آنهایی که تا به حال اصلا متلک نگفته اند و هیچ گاه در زندگی به زنی نگاه نکرده اند صرف این که او یک زن است دلجویی کنند کامنت آخر را از یکی از آقایان بسیار فعال حقوق بشر و جنبش سبز ایرانی مقیم نیویورک روی صفحه فیس بوکم دریافت کردم که ماهایی که انقدر از نوشته شادی دفاع می کنیم حتما از تجربه یک مشکل سکسی- روانی در گذشته خود رنج می بریم.

آقای محترم!

اگر دوست دارید که این مسئله را به گذشته خصوصی و نه جمعی ربط بدهید و خیال خودتان را راحت کنید باید بگویم که من در خانواده ای بزرگ شدم که پدرم همیشه هراس داشت که نکند دخترهایش در محیط خانواده احساس کنند که پدرشان بین آنها و تنها پسر خانواده استثنا قائل می شود. برای همین گاهی حتی با پسرش سختگیرانه تر عمل می کرد. تنها باری که برادرم در سنین جوانی و من در سنین اولیه نوجوانی و تحت تاثیر اجتماع غالب پرسید که با این دامن کوتاه می خوای بری مهمونی؟ پدرم که تصادفی داشت از آن جا رد می شد با جدیت به او گفت که من پدر دارم و تا وقتی او زنده است برادرم حق اظهار نظر درباره من را ندارد و او خودش اگر لازم باشد تذکر می دهد. و خودش حتی یک بار هم درباره لباس پوشیدن مد اظهار نظر نکرد و نه ابن که من کجا بروم و کجا نروم و از بچگی تا به امروز به عقل و شعور من اعتماد کرد و احترام گذاشت. ولی از سنین بچگی به من و خواهرم تاکید کرد که تنها راه ورود شغلی به این اجتماع وارد شدن از طریق تحصیلات شغلهای بالاست چرا که اگر پرستار باشیم دکتر و اگر منشی باشیم رئیس و ... می توانند اگر خواستند از ما سوئ استفاده کنند و از لحاظ قانونی هم دست ما به هیچ جایی بند نیست. ولی یک پسر اصلا مهم نیست چه کاره شود با هر شغلی می تواند وارد اجتماع شود و کسی کار به کارش ندارد. حتی برای تاکید بیشتر می گفت که برای من مهم نیست که علی تحصیلکرده بشود یا نه ولی شما چرا. می گفت در این اجتماع تحصیلات برای زن نقش بیمه را دارد که بتواند مستقل باشد و هر وقت به او در محیط خانواده ظلم شد بیاید بیرون. آخرش هم شاید با نوعی استیصال می گفت که شاید اصلا بهتر باشد که از ایران بیاییم بیرون. چون که فرهنگ و قانون جامعه اشکال زیاد دارد و حالا حالا هم درست شدنی نیست.

خارج محیط خانواده هم انقدر خوش شانس بودم که هیچ وقت دستمالی نشدم ولی با نگاه و متلک چرا. روزی نبود که از در خانه بیایم بیرون و نشوم و همه جور ماشینی از مدل بالا تا پایین و موتوری چراغ ندهد و ترمز نکند و قیمت نپرسد! و من هم در جواب می گفنم مگر فکر می کنی همه مثل خواهر مادر خودتن؟ و بعد فهمیدم که ای دل غافل! حتی فحشی هم که من به اونها میدادم جنسیت زده بوده و به جای این که به اون ها فحش بدم باز به دوتا زن فلک زده دیگه فحش داده ام و باید دایم خودم را سانسور می کرده چرا که همیشه این جور مواقع فحش خواهر مادر اولین گزبنه اتوماتیک ذهنم بود.

ولی احساس همدردی ما با هم با تمام زنان ایرانی که با هم در یک خانه تبعیض زده به اسم ایران بزرگ شدبم انقدر هست که اصلا توفیری نداشته باشد که هر کدام از ما تا چه مرحله ای و چند درصد در معرض این قضیه قرار گرفتیم. مهم این است که حرف دل هم را می فهمیم. چون که زن بودن در آن جامعه تا حدود خوبی تجربه انتقال ناپذیریه. بسیاری از زنها و مردهای ما هم که درمرحله انکار به سر می برند.

لحن سنتی شادی هم بر اساس همان جامعه سنتی تنظیم شده بود تا بتواند حق مطلب را ادا کند. تو زمانی که یک نقاشی مینیاتور را نقد می کنی نمی توانی با واژه های نقد هنری مدرنیسم حرف بزنی. دست و پایت بسته می شود.

حالا اگر کسی نگاهش و رفتارش کاملا بی عیب و نقص است خودش را بکشد کنار از این داستان که یک موقع پرش نگیرد و بگذارد بقیه --مقصرین و دردمندها چه زن چه مرد-- سر در بیاورند که ایراد قضیه دارد به چه شیوه های پنهانی و غیر پنهانی خودش را بروز می دهد و عارضه شناسی کنند ببینند که چه بدبختی دارد همچنان سرشان می آید. آخر سر تو موشکافی این داستان ممکن است به همه بر بخورد از بس که همه چیز از پایه افتضاح بود. فقط یک موضوع معلوم است و آن این که دیگر کار با آشغال زیر فرش جارو زدن درست نمی شود. فرشهای اعلا و ریز نقش کاشان و اصفهان را بزنید کنار.